x

Like our Facebook Page

   
Early Times Newspaper Jammu, Leading Newspaper Jammu
 
Breaking News :   Back Issues  
 
news details
Myths about accession of J&K
Col J P Singh, Retd10/24/2014 11:27:43 PM

Right form the very beginning of an idea of two nations theory, Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir became an object of international conspiracy. The plan was to make it part of Pakistan; by consent or force. Thanks to the courage and astute vision of Maharaja Hari Singh who staked everything to prevent that happening despite abnormal pressures. He knew that his subjects will have a brighter life in secular India than Jinnah's theocratic Pakistan. He therefore acceded to India on 26 October 1947 which included Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh, Northern Areas, Trans Karakoram Tract, POK and Aksai Chin. J&K acceded to Indian Dominion later than the stipulated date of 14 August 1947. Why did the ruler delay the event and how the accession took place remains a matter of debate till date. His decision to accede to India, in the hindsight, was a remarkable event even though the delay is attributed to Maharaja's desire to remain independent of both India and Pakistan. Having heard the stories of those days from Captain Dewan Singh, ADC to His Highness and other veterans, an attempt is being made to put the myth in the right perspective by weighing all the pros and cons objectively. Indian Independence Act of British Parliament of 17 June 1947 stipulated that Pakistan as independent dominion was to be born on 14 August 1947 and India was to become independent on 15 August mid night. Before independence, princely states were bound to the British Empire by a special treaty called 'Doctrine of Paramountcy'. The British Cabinet Mission on India had presented a memorandum to Nawab of Bhopal, the Chancellor of Chamber of Princes in India on 12 May 1946 in which the future of Princely States was defined. Since the Paramountcy was to lapse on 15 August 1947, the Princes were given freedom to accede to one or the other dominion or to become independent on that date. Considering that independence was not a pragmatic option, Lord Mountbatten foreclosed that option for the Princes and advised them to join one of the two nations, subjected however to geographical contiguity and religious affiliation.
Mountbatten visited J&K from 19 to 22 June 1947 to discuss the issue of accession of J&K. He found that Hari Singh was not very clear of the option between India and Pakistan. He felt that Maharaja was considering third option of independence because J&K was contiguous to both India and Pakistan. Finding Maharaja elusive, he returned to Delhi without getting any assurance. Mountbatten urged him and his Prime Minister R C Kak not to make any hasty declaration of independence. He asked Maharaja to seek the will of his subjects, by plebiscite, if necessary, besides pragmatically considering geographical contiguity and communal composition before making a final decision. He also expressed his desire to know their decision before 14 August. This closed all the options other than joining Pakistan. Pitched between the two, with a common border, political and economic affiliations with both, all the rail and land routes to J&K passing through Pakistan and Radcliffe award yet not announced, joining either of the two became complicated and nerves wrecking for the ruler. Hence the dilemma of making of an uneasy choice one way or the other hindered Maharaja in making an early decision in favour of India.
Governor General's advice was as good as direction to Hari Singh to accede to Pakistan. At the same time Indian leaders cold shouldered the issue of accession of J&K. All this put the Maharaja under great pressure and dilemma. If he was to accede to Pakistan, Hindus of Jammu, Ladakh and Kashmiri Pandits would not take it kindly. If he was to accede to India, Muslims of the areas contiguous to Pakistan would have resented it. Moreover Radcliffe Commission, which was to divide Punjab, was yet to announce its award which created uncertainty about the extent and alignment of boundary of Jammu Province with Pakistan's East Punjab. This also added to his indecision. Prevailing conditions compelled Maharaja to offer a 'Standstill Agreement' to both India and Pakistan on 12 August 1947. Pakistan signed the Agreement on 18 August whereas India asked for more time to consider it. Nehru's reluctance in accepting the Standstill Agreement changed the course of history. Had Nehru accepted it, India would have got more than two months to understand the problems of world's most strategic state. It would have enabled him to appreciate its strategic importance for the defence of India. (It is mentioned in the Gazetteer of 1888 that whosoever keeps Kashmir with him would control the subcontinent). It would have perhaps averted Pak aggression because it would have been the joint responsibility of both nations to help state to consider its accession pragmatically. Seeing Maharaja's vulnerabilities, Pakistan pushed tribals from NWFP into J&K on 21 October 1947 to create panic and grab the state by force. By 24th October, the raiders had captured Mahura Power Station and plunged Srinagar into darkness. Thereafter they halted at Baramula where they indulged in loot, arson, recreational rapes and murders. It is this break in momentum of advance that provided time and opportunity to the ruler to seek Indian help to fight the aggression. Seeing the intention of invaders and the plans of Pakistan, on 24 October, Maharaja sought Indian assistance to clear his state of raiders. This move was fully supported by Sheikh Abdullah. On 25th October, Cabinet Committee on Defence headed by Lord Mountbatten met in New Delhi to consider the request. But it expressed the opinion that no help could be sent unless the state acceded to India. Same day V P Menon, Secretary in the States Department was flown to Srinagar to explain this condition to Maharaja. Having obtained Maharaja's consent on accession, he returned to Delhi. Next morning ie on 26 October the Cabinet Committee met again and decided to accept the instrument of accession, if executed by Maharaja. Menon was again sent with the draft instrument which Maharaja signed, as it was drafted in Delhi on 26th October and handed it over to Mr. Menon with a covering letter stating that he was going to ask Sheikh Abdullah to take over the responsibilities of the govt in the emergency period with Mehar Chand Mahajan as Prime Minister. Yet Mountbatten and Nehru were reluctant to accept the instrument unless it was ratified by the people. It is a well considered view that Mehar Chand Mahajan at that point of time threatened them to proceed to Karachi to hand the state over to Jinnah to ensure the safety and security of people of J&K. Mountbatten and Nehru combine then accepted the accession. After the accession was formally accepted, the Governor General wrote, "it is my govt's wish that as soon as the law and order is restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared of invaders, the question of state's accession should be settled by a reference to the people". Maharaja had made no mention of any such or other condition in the document he had signed. After this the build up of Indian forces began on 27th October and the valley was saved of the marauders. By ending November 1947, all occupied areas of Kashmir valley except Muzaffrabad were cleared of the raiders. On 1st January 1948, India approached UN Security Council blaming Pakistan of aggression and there too a reference to the plebiscite to be held after eviction of aggression was made. Eviction of invaders continued till 31 December 1948. On 1st January 1949, exactly one year later, UN enforced ceasefire came into effect thus temporarily ending the military aggression.
Jinnah visited Kashmir in June 1944. Though publicly he said he was there on health ground but actually he was on a political mission. He went back disappointed because he did not receive any favourable response about his two nation theory from National Conference led by Sheikh Abdullah. In August 1945 session of National Conference held at Sopore, Pt Nehru, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and Maulana Azad were special invitees. It was in this session that Sheikh Abdullah spelt out his concept of Naya Kashmir. Sheikh declared that future and independence of Jammu and Kashmir is inextricably linked to the future and independence of India. In February 1954, Constituent Assembly of J&K ratified Maharaja's decision of accession to India. In November 1956, the accession was given the formal sanction in the state assembly through their democratically elected members. This is the myth through which the accession and integration of J&K to India took place. Maximum credit for this should go to Maharaja Hari Singh and Sheikh Abdullah, who were great nationalist and patriots like many others that India has produced.
They made J&K part of India despite great perverse pressures. Today we are proud Indians because of them. In all the elections for the state legislature held after 1954, the people of J&K have voted enthusiastically for democracy despite boycott calls given by separatists. Now where is the doubt about the bogey of dispute or scope of plebiscite.
It is pity that Indian people have not yet asked political and legal heirs of Pt Nehru why he made promises of plebiscite and did not fulfil them during his life time. Instead it allows antinational elements in the valley and Pakistan on the other side to continue to make references to such statements and recordings on the files to settle the Kashmir issue by a plebiscite. Consequently the people of J&K are living with uncertainties and utter confusion for sixty five years. They will continue paying the price for the idealism and mistakes of our first prime minister despite present prime minister's unambigious stand on Kashmir.
  Share This News with Your Friends on Social Network  
  Comment on this Story  
 
 
 
Early Times Android App
STOCK UPDATE
  
BSE Sensex
NSE Nifty
 
CRICKET UPDATE
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
   
Home About Us Top Stories Local News National News Sports News Opinion Editorial ET Cetra Advertise with Us ET E-paper
 
 
J&K RELATED WEBSITES
J&K Govt. Official website
Jammu Kashmir Tourism
JKTDC
Mata Vaishnodevi Shrine Board
Shri Amarnath Ji Shrine Board
Shri Shiv Khori Shrine Board
UTILITY
Train Enquiry
IRCTC
Matavaishnodevi
BSNL
Jammu Kashmir Bank
State Bank of India
PUBLIC INTEREST
Passport Department
Income Tax Department
JK CAMPA
JK GAD
IT Education
Web Site Design Services
EDUCATION
Jammu University
Jammu University Results
JKBOSE
Kashmir University
IGNOU Jammu Center
SMVDU