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NC out to divide Jammu on communal lines, resist the sinister design
10/12/2010 11:50:15 PM
RUSTAM
EARLY TIMES REPORT
JAMMU, Oct 12: The Regional Autonomy Committee (RAC) did acknowledge that "Jammu and Kashmir is a pluri-culture, pluri-lingual and pluri-religious state of India", but indicated its bias in favour of Kashmir and against Jammu when it said that "to a large extent, Kashmir region represents a homogenous ethno-cultural, religious and linguistic identity" and "Jammu is heterogeneous culturally, linguistically, ethnically and geographically" (Regional Autonomy Committee Report, P. 5). This assertion was not based on facts. It was a distortion of sorts. The RAC even ignored what Farooq Abdullah, Chief Minister and chairman of the committee, had once said in the Jammu's Asia Hotel while delivering presidential address in a seminar on terrorism. He had said: "You may say whatever you want to say, but it is a fact that Jammu, like Kashmir, is also heterogeneous." His statement was unambiguous.
Farooq Abdullah was not wrong. Kashmir is indeed highly heterogeneous culturally, linguistically, ethnically, geographically and politically. It consists of two distinct geographical regions, a small Valley and mountainous and hilly areas. The Valley houses Sunni Muslims, Shiite Muslims, Gujjar Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs. It is, however, true that most of them speak Kashmiri language, belong to one ethnic group, have common diet and dress and belong to one culture. But they are highly divided. Their political perceptions are different. For example, the Kashmiri Hindus, who belong to the same ethnic stock do not share the political perceptions of the Kashmiri Sunni Muslims, The Sunni Muslims control almost all the political, separatist and militant organizations. They have also been ruling the state since 1947 and they are involved in the subversive activities. Remember, Geelani, Mirwaiz, Malik, Shah, Salahuudin, Lone brothers, Bhat, Mian Qayoom, Mufti Sayeed, Farooq Abdullah, Tarigami, to mention only a few, are all Sunni Muslims. All the Kashmiri Hindus, barring a very few, have been hounded out of the Valley by the fanatics because the latter considered them Indian agents.
The Sikhs, who, like the Kashmiri Hindus belong to the same ethnic group, also constitute a miniscule minority in Kashmir, do not share the political perception of those involved in the anti-India struggle. Their culture is different. Their sources of inspiration, like the Kashmiri Hindus' sources of inspiration, are different. They consistently say that they belong to the national mainstream. Most importantly, even a very vast majority of the Valley-based Shiite community has nothing to do with the ongoing separatist movement. In fact, the Shiite Muslims have several complaints against their own co-religionists (Sunnis) and the Sunni-dominated Pakistan. Their grievances are many. At least three of them need to be referred to here. One, they are the most neglected lot in the Valley. Two, they have all along been discriminated against by those ruling the state. Three, Pakistan has been persecuting the Shiite Muslims in the Gilgit-Baltistan region and has changed the demographic landscape of the region. The fact is that the Shiite Muslims belong to a different religious sect and that the relations between the Sunnis and the Shiite Muslims are not very cordial.
The story of Gujjar Muslims (all Sunnis) inhabiting the Kangan area and a few other places in the Kashmir Valley is no different. They are the ardent followers of Islam, but they, at the same time, belong to a different ethnic group. They speak Gojri and their dress and diet are different. They seek salvation under the Indian Constitution. For example, they fought for years and got the status of Scheduled Tribe under the Indian Constitution in 1991. Ever since then, they have also been demanding political reservation, saying their counterparts in the rest of the country are enjoying political reservation. The Kashmiri-speaking Sunnis do not take the Gujjar and Bakerwal Muslims as part and parcel of the Kashmiri Muslim society. Only the other day, Syed Ali Shah Geelani had denounced them and dubbed them as "non-Muslims". True, he withdrew his statement later on under pressure, but what he had said he said from the core of his heart. His statement had caused a sort of furore among the Gujjar Muslims across the state.
This is a small story on demographic profile of the Kashmir Valley and it clearly suggests that the society there is not homogeneous. What about the mountainous and hilly areas of the Kashmir province? Most of the people who inhabit these areas are ethnically non-Kashmiri. Bulk of the mountainous and hilly area of the Kashmir province is dominated by the Gujjar and Bakerwal Muslims and Pathowari-speaking or Pahari-speaking people. The Pathowari-speaking people, like the Gujjar and Bakerwal Muslims, belong to a different ethnic group. The Pathowari-speaking Muslims in Kashmir belong to the ethnic group to which the people of Pakistan-occupied-Jammu and Kashmir belong. They are culturally different. They also, like the Gujjar and Bakerwal Muslims, not just yearn for Scheduled Tribe status under the Indian Constitution, but also want political reservation under the Indian Constitutional framework. Besides, the Gujjar and Bakerwal Muslims and Pathowari-speaking Muslims, there are a number of other ethnic groups that inhabit the mountainous and hilly areas of Kashmir province.
But the biased RAC had nothing to do with these stark realities in Kashmir. Its main objective was to make out a case that could make New Delhi believe that Kashmir is homogeneous and one in every respect and Jammu province highly diverse and, hence, needed to be divided. In fact, the RAC adopted the approach the former Information Commissioner Wajahat Habibullah has all through advocated. It needs to be recalled that Habibullah had only a couple of years ago suggested the creation of five regional assemblies in the state, one each for the plain areas of Jammu, Mountainous areas of Jammu, Shiite-majority Kargil, Buddhist-majority Leh and Kashmir province. His whole formulation was communally motivated and designed to facilitate the emergence of Greater Kashmir. (To be continued)
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