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| Delhi subverted democracy in J&K on day one to appease Kashmir | | Betrayed Jammu -- II | | RUSTAM
EARLY TIMES REPORT
JAMMU, Nov 20: The motion moved by Gopalaswami Ayyangar had generated a lot of heat in the Indian Constituent Assembly which debated upon this issue for hours as objection after objection was raised against the suggested formula. Members of the Assembly such as Pandit Lakshmi Kanta Maitra (west Bengal), H V Kamath (CP and Berar) and Prof K T Shah (Bihar) vehemently opposed the official motion on five counts. First, it provided for a mechanism that was not in conformity with "such rules as contained in Rule 4 of the Indian Constituent Assembly Rules". According to Rule 4, the seats allotted to the princely States had to be filled up not less than half by the elected members of the legislature of the States concerned and the remainder to be nominated by the ruler himself.
Second, it made an unjust and invidious distinction between Jammu and Kashmir and other princely States. Third, it was designed to empower one individual, Sheikh Abdullah, to take a decision on who should or should not represent the State in the Indian Constituent Assembly, as also the future politico-constitutional ties between the State and New Delhi. Fourth, for its general distrust of the people and the duly constituted Praja Sabha. The motion was, undoubtedly, designed to render the people and their elected Assembly ineffective. Finally, for its potential of harming the Indian interest in Kashmir and giving a cause to the forces inimical to the country to challenge its stand that the people of the state were solidly behind it and that the state was an integral part of India to the same extent as other princely states.
Prof K T Shah, it must be noted, was more severe in his criticism of the motion in the sense that he urged the Constituent Assembly to repudiate outright the motion. In addition, he fervently solicited the support in favour of the elected Praja Sabha. Justifying his suggestion, Shah said: "Had the situation been in the State as normal and peaceful as in other cases, I would have certainly followed the same precedent, and required that at least part of the representatives should be representatives of the people chosen by their representatives in a proper form. But as the situation is there today, with all the complications that have arisen, all the representatives of the people must be elected…"
"I (Prof Shah) am not asking too much when I say that we shall not be departing from democratic principles or idea of justice or prudence or wisdom in this matter if we say that the people of Kashmir, and the people of Kashmir alone, shall elect all the representatives to this House. If this party, the National Conference, claims to represent the entire or at least a large majority of the people of Kashmir, then there is no reason to fear that they cannot send representatives according to their wishes. They need not therefore shirk the suggestion I am making…"
This shows that Prof Shah had two basic arguments. One, that Sheikh Abdullah and his political formation did not represent the general will. Two, that the suggestion of Ayyangar, if accepted, might harm the country's vital interests. Prof Shah's first point that Sheikh Abdullah and his political formation did not represent the general will of the Kashmiri people, was elaborated by him in these words: "I am constraint to point out that the developments in the history of Jammu and Kashmir in three and half years should not be overlooked. You must not overlook the agitation (read Quit Kashmir Movement) that was started in February 1946, whereby a responsible party or the leader of that responsible party, had started a campaign of 'quit Kashmir' and in consequence thereof events developed and created difficulties that have since ensued. I do not like the House to be a party to anything that might look as if it was a surrender to one man's wishes, that nothing can be done until the Maharaja (Hari Singh) is removed or complete power is handed over to him (the Sheikh had told Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru that he would not be in a position to run the administration effectively until Maharaja Hari Singh was removed from his position). Whether or not he holds the complete confidence of all the people has yet to be proved. I am aware he may have a large following; but at the same time, if you want proof beyond the possibility of doubt, there is no reason why you should not send invitation for an election even under the limited franchise that is prevailing. If you have adult franchise that would be better. But even under the limited franchise of 1946, if you hold an election, you will get the true representatives of the people". (To be continued) |
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