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What precisely is the pre-1953 political status of J&K
3/19/2011 10:29:04 PM

To know what precisely the pre-1953 political status of J&K was, it is necessary to highlight what the President's Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order of January 26, 1950 did before it was repealed by a similar Order of four years later referred above.
The 1950 Order set out the constitutional relationship that was to exist between J&K and the Union of India immediately after the inauguration of the Indian Constitution. Of the 22 Parts of the Indian document, the Order made only Parts V, XI, XII, XV, XVI, XVIII, XIX, XX, XXI, and XXII (ten in all) applicable to J&K, and that too with modifications in some provisions. Thus --
* The Supreme Court's original jurisdiction was restricted only to Article 131 dealing with disputes between the Union and the states. In all other matters, the apex court was given only appellate jurisdiction.
* The Comptroller and Auditor General was denied jurisdiction of J&K
* Unlike in other states, the representatives of J&K to both Houses of the Indian Parliament were not to be elected by the state's people but to be appointed by the President of India in consultation with the J&K government. These appointed members were however to be treated as elected members for the purpose of voting for the post of the nation's President under Articles 54 and 55.
* Unlike in the case of other states, Parliament's power of legislation with regard to J&K was limited to the items on the Union List, subject, of course, to the constraint of Article 370. The State List and the Concurrent List of legislative items were not applied to J&K.
* The taxes collected by the Union or by the states on behalf of the Union remained exclusively under J&K's control. Provisions dealing with the distribution of taxes collected by the Union outside J&K did not apply to that state. Similarly, Article 280 relating to the finance commission was not applicable to J&K.
* The income tax department of J&K was to be free of all central controls. The state was allowed its own customs department that had been established during the British period.
* The Election Commission of India had no jurisdiction other than that pertaining to elections for the posts of President and vice-president of India. Elections to the J&K state assembly were to be governed by the state's laws.
* The provision regarding reservation of seats in the state assemblies was not applied to J&K Similarly, the provision for appointment of a commission to investigate the conditions of backwards classes or of a special officer for scheduled castes did not apply to the state.
* The provision regarding official language was restricted to dealing with Union and to the proceedings of the Supreme Court. The directive for the development of the Hindi language did not apply to J&K.
* Amendment of the Indian Constitution relating to J&K needed not only the detailed requirements of the Article concerned but also an Order of the President of India under Article 370.
More conspicuous is that all of Parts I to IV, Parts VI to X, Part XIII, Part XIV and Part XVIII were not made applicable to the J&K of pre-53. The critical constituents of these omissions were:
* Citizens of J&K were not deemed to be citizens of India!! (That diabolical wrong was corrected by the above-referred Order of May 14, 1954, which conferred that citizenship with retrospective effect from 1950).
* J&K citizens were denied the fundamental rights elaborated in Articles 12 to 35 in Part III of the Indian Constitution. (In order to distribute land to poor peasants, Sheikh Abdullah's land reforms of 1949-50 expropriated estates above 182 kanals (about 23 acres) without paying any monetary compensation to the owners. Why, even the state's Maharaja was denied his sovereign right in the matter -- his assent was not obtained before the Sheikh announced the sweeping reforms).
* Directive Principles of State Policy (including the establishment of a uniform civil code) contained in Part IV of the Indian Constitution) were not applicable to J&K.
* Kashmir Service Regulations were to prevail and employment in J&K was permitted to be restricted to "state subjects" defined under a sovereign notification of April 20, 1927.
* Proclamation of general emergency and financial emergency were not applicable to J&K. Its government was exempted from being suspended by the Centre under Article 356.
Apart from all of the above, Arun Shourie has pointed out an alarming anti-national facet of the demand of the Abdullahs. In an interview published in The Times of India, Mumbai, on July 8, 2000, he pointed out 'Financial integration of the state (J&K) with the rest of India was brought about in 1954; once you go back to 1953, the jurisdiction of the Reserve Bank goes, they get the right to have their own currency.'
So do the Abdullahs want their faces and signatures to ornament the currency notes in J&K? Those who sympathise with their call for the pre-1953 status must answer that billion-dollar question.
There is even a bigger question that these Abdullah supporters must answer. Why did the J&K Autonomy Committee's report not provide justification for its demand of reversing the long list of Parliamentary laws it wanted reversed for the state?
Kashmir should be treated equally with all other Indian states – no more, no less and nothing special.
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