news details |
|
|
| Musharraf has granted some press freedom | | But Pakistani media is in a state of crisis | |
B L KAK
NEW DELHI: The state of press freedom in Pakistan is being discussed even outside Pakistan. According to the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), the state of press freedom in Pakistan is rapidly skidding towards lawlessness and entering a state of crisis. The IFJ represents more than half a million journalists in over 115 countries.
Pakistan has, during the last six months or so, seen four journalists killed. Each of the four cases remains unsolved. The younger brothers of two journalists were brutally murdered, as if to teach the older brothers a lesson. In addition, four journalists were reportedly detained and "tortured" by intelligence agencies. The latest victim of what Amnesty International calls "enforced disappearances" is Dilawar Khan Wazir, a BBC Urdu service reporter in Pakistan's tribal region of South Waziristan. He has not been heard of since leaving Islamabad for home on the morning of November 20.
Mohammad Esmail, Maqbool Hussain Sail, Hayatullah Khan and Munir Ahmad Sangi were killed after filing stories the government did not want reported. Journalists abducted by intelligence officers include Mehruddin Marri of the Sindhi daily, Kawish, Saeed Sarbazi of Business Recorder, Geo News reporter Mukesh Rupeta and freelance cameraman Sanjay Kumar. One of the founders of the Balochi-language TV station Baloch Voice, Munir Mengal, is still missing after disappearing on April 7.
Gen. Parvez Musharraf's military regime, since assuming power in a military coup in 1999, has presented itself as a benignly authoritarian establishment that allows freedom of the media. Gen. Musharraf has, on several occasions, cited his patience of diverse opinions in the media to justify that his administration is more democratic in spirit than previous elected civilian governments. But in reality, the Pakistani authorities' policies over the last six years can best be described as "selective repression".
Nawaz Sharif, and during the 1970s Prime Minister ZA Bhutto, used blunt instruments of coercion against well known media critics, creating a widely held perception of repression. Pakistan's generals, beginning with the late General Zia ul Haq, learnt a lesson from the resentment built against the civilian leaders as a result of their high profile actions against media personalities.
Dispassionate Pakistan-watchers will have to accept the observation of Hussain Haqqani, Director of Boston University's Centre for International Relations: If the worst truth about regime policies does not come out from where the action actually takes place Waziristan, Larkana, remote parts of Balochistan-- then the state machinery can continue to harp on its broadmindedness while at the same time keeping dissent under control. Internationally well known media personalities can criticise the regime, while at the same time securing for it high marks for allowing the criticism. But the criticism must be of the drawing room variety, covering issues that do not cause the masses to question the military's authority.
Haqqani has stated that the model of media control under the Musharraf regime has been to make examples of field reporters that would then scare others and make them toe the line. Media freedom since 1999, though considerable, has still been within well defined parameters. The parameters for the English language media have been wider than for the vernacular press.
Multiple TV channels have been opened without giving credit to the elected leaders under whom the
concept of private television channel ownership was first mooted. Many more topics have been opened to discussion on radio and TV, and criticising Gen. Musharraf has been allowed quite widely. It is already an opent secret that key issues have still been kept out of bounds or subject to self-censorship by owners of media outlets. The Pak government wants to arrogate to itself the right of identifying issues over which it might be criticised.
Human rights and sovereignty violations in the war against terrorism are kept under wraps. The dirty war against fellow Pakistanis in Balochistan cannot be reported except in vague and general terms. Opinions critical of the military regime are allowed but facts that back up these opinions must not be revealed. That way, Gen. Musharraf and his cronies can keep reassuring their international backers and domestic supporters that all is well and the ranting of critics in the media is only the expression of frustration by opinionated semi-politicians bearing a grudge against Pak Presidednt or his appointees.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| |
| |
|
|
|
|
 |
|
|
