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| Changing profile of modern Pakistan | | | Dr. Rajkumar Singh | 1/11/2020 10:17:09 PM |
| After creation Pakistan stood as divided, incomplete and partial homeland for the Muslims. It comprised two wings-East and West Pakistan. East Pakistan constituted about 55 per cent of the population is the part of Bengal. Before Pakistan's creation it was the rural hinterland of Calcutta's mills and factories. Culturally, East Bengal shares the pride of Calcutta in the glorious Bengali prose and poetry. Since the Muslims were a majority in the province, the issue of political representation gave them an opportunity to assert their power against the cultural and economic domination of the Hindu community. West Pakistan was made up of the part of the province of Punjab, the North West Frontier Province, Sindh, Baluchistan and ten small princely states. About 45 per cent of the population lived in Western part and it was almost entirely agricultural. Social and political change came to the Muslims of the Indus valley somewhat slower than to their brethren in the Gangetic delta. But surprisingly the Muslim League leadership did not come from either Bengal or the Indus Valley; it was drawn heavily from Muslim-minority provinces in India-Mohammad Ali Jinnah from Bombay and Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, from New Delhi.
Initial overall responses
From its birth Pakistan's greatest social challenges had been how to create a sense of citizenry among communities that have not historically regarded each other as 'a people' aside from most being adherents of the same major religion Consequently it has been pulled strongly by public sentiment and the views of political leaders towards greater conformity with Islamic principles and law. Muslims and Hindus, while uneven around the country, are deeply embedded in some areas. Both states have found that such tensions are partly open to remedy through education, economic development, legal recourse and direct government action.
The Islamic Republic of Pakistan began its political life with what is formally described as federal Parliamentary government. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the chief mentor of Pakistan, and other Western-oriented professionals envisioned a multiethnic, pluralistic and indubitably democratic country. He reminded the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan 'if we want to make this great state of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor.' However it was too good to last. Death of Jinnah within a year of the independence and the sudden demise of his true successor, Liaquat Ali Khan, in 1951, had created a void in the field of leadership which could not be filled until the first martial-law period in 1958. There was a keen contest for political dominance between the fundamentalists with the arch conservative orthodox outlook, and the secular, democratic enlightened and liberal section of society with the modernist view of man and society. From the viewpoint of stable and effective form of government Pakistan is a state 'still in the making'. Successive promulgation and abrogation of constitutions in Pakistan reached nowhere.
Political system in perspective
Difference between the political power structures of India and Pakistan is very clear. India has been successful in building a solid constitutional framework where civil authorities have never been threatened by challenge from the military. Regular transfers of power have taken place through free and generally fair elections in which participation has been strong. The judiciary has functioned for most part with integrity and new political forces have been able to emerge representing previously weak and under represented groups in society despite opposition from traditional power elites. As a result of the mass involvement in the political processes of the country upper castes are in the process of losing their dominance in Indian politics as regional elites and lower castes assume greater power both at the centre and in the states.
On the other the assessment of Pakistan's political development since 1947 paints an uneasy and troubled picture. From the start in the background of weak social and political atmosphere, the nexus between the bureaucrats and the army began to take a definite shape. The first constitution which was promulgated on March 23, 1956, was abrogated in October 1958 and during this short period of time no elections took place. The second constitution was promulgated on June 8, 1962 and abrogated by General Agha Mohammed Yahya on March 29, 1969. In this provision only 'Basic Democrats were given franchise. Another constitutional document, the Legal Framework Order of 1969 was issued by General Mohammed Yahya Khan. It abolished the One Unit Plan and provided the framework for the development of a new constitution. The Legal Framework Order set the stage for the 1970 elections, the first direct elections based on universal suffrage in Pakistan's history. It was a free election but the result - an overwhelming victory in the east for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman resulted in the imposition of martial law followed by the brutal military crackdown that culminated in the 1971 war with India and independence of Bangladesh.
Later constitutional developments
The constitution of 1973 proved to be the most durable constitution. Though the country again witnessed military coup by General Zia in 1977, it was kept suspended. On March 18, 1985, President Zia promulgated the Revival of the Constitution Order of 1985 that added new amendments to the constitution of 1973. With the new provisions Pakistan experimented with a policy approach that promised Islamisation. His was a government dominated by the military and run by civilian bureaucrats. The governance of Zia seemed at times to be two steps backward, one step forward. At political level Zia's supporters included fundamentalist and reactionary parties of Islamic attitude. A large section of people especially in Punjab felt more comfortable and preferred Zia's Islamic status quo orientation as opposed to Bhutto's socialist rhetoric. His attempt to Islamise and legitimize the rule for a new lease of life had further polarised country's social segments.
Once again the social composition and power structure in Pak society witnessed a sea change when at the close of the year 1979 Soviet Russia intervened in Afghanistan and installed a puppet government of their own. The incident had paved the way for intermingling of Pak-Afghan society at level more than one. It affected Pak society qualitatively and quantitatively because there was a massive influx of arms, especially submachine guns and automatic rifles as weapons meant for Afghan guerillas proliferated on the illegal arms market. Linkages between Mujahideen groups and rightwing, religious parties of Pakistan began to spread Islamic urges and fervour. The then ruler of Pakistan failed to estimate the far-reaching damaging consequences and allowed to happen everything contrary to social progress and harmony. Later on the over-mixing of Pak-Afghan society at various levels led to the formation of the Taliban, a home-grown Pak militia. The nexus formed in the period of Zia also disturbed the democratic regimes of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif and ultimately opened the route for latter's replacement with army chief General Pervez Musharraf in October 1999 after the debacle of Kargil. |
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